President Joe Biden's approval ratings are low. Even his own party's rank-and-file think he's too old for the job and would rather someone else were their nominee for president.

But Biden is not a drag for down-ticket Democrats, who have been overperforming in special elections this year and who have been winning ballot initiative battles. Biden isn't even a drag on himself, as a critical percentage of voters in battleground states say they will vote for him even if they don't approve of him or his job performance.

"It's kind of been a long time coming. Democrats have steadily improved" in their voter share in a wide array of races, says Arizona-based pollster Mike Noble, founder of Noble Predictive Insights. Since the election of former President Donald Trump in 2016 and the judicial upending of guaranteed abortion rights in 2022, Democrats have improved their support among college-educated voters, and "those voters are more apt to vote in elections that have an abysmal turnout," such as special elections, Noble says.

An analysis of 2023 special elections results by the elections website FiveThirtyEight found that Democrats overperformed by an average of 10 percentage points. That means that even when Democrats lost special elections, they did better than the political landscape would indicate, given the partisan breakdown in the district and the electoral history there.

A look at special elections in battleground states underscores that August analysis.

In Pennsylvania, a Democrat won a special election for a state House seat by a 3-1 margin, compared with the party's 2-1 win in the 2022 general election. A state Senate seat in a heavily Republican district stayed in GOP hands in a special election earlier this year, but the victor won by a smaller percentage than the Republican candidate did in November 2022.

In Wisconsin, the GOP won a July special election for a state assembly seat, 54% to 46%. That's a smaller margin than in 2022, when the Republican won the seat with 61% of the vote, compared to 39% for the Democratic candidate.

A special election for a Wisconsin state Senate seat was barely won by the GOP candidate, 50.8% to 49.1%. During the previous election, in 2020, the Republican won far more comfortably, with 54% of the vote, compared to 46% for the Democratic candidate.

In a regularly scheduled election, Democrats scored an upset win for a seat in the state Supreme Court, providing a critical liberal majority on a panel that may decide abortion rights, redistricting and other issues. Democratic Judge Janet Protasiewicz won by more than 11 percentage points in a state where whisper-thin margins are more common.

In New Hampshire, a Democrat won a run-off for a state House seat by more than 11 percentage points, after winning the exact same number of votes as the GOP rival in the 2022 general election.

In Virginia, Democrats flipped a state Senate seat in a January special election. Republicans retained a House of Delegates seat in a special election that month but by a substantially smaller margin than the GOP won the seat in 2021.

Republicans made few inroads in 2023 special elections – the most notable being in Maine, where the party flipped a state House seat in a June special election. Democrats still hold an 81-seat majority in the chamber.

Republicans as well as nonpartisan analysts caution that special elections are not necessarily predictive of regularly scheduled general elections, since special elections tend to bring out only the most motivated voters.

In New Hampshire, for example, the Democratic Party is more organized, better funded and professional in nature, while the GOP relies more on volunteer and grassroots workers, says Scott Spradling, a nonpartisan political analyst in the Granite State. That gives Democrats an advantage in special elections, where a big part of the battle is getting people to show up and vote, he says.

But the trend favoring Democrats is notable because the party's highest ranking member, Biden, is faring poorly in polling on his job performance and overall approval.

"The old-school concern is about the approval rating being underwater," meaning the official has a higher disapproval than approval rating, says Berwood Yost, director of the Center for Opinion Research at Franklin & Marshall College in Pennsylvania. But because voters aren't too happy with politicians in either party – and are far more entrenched in their partisan leanings than in the past – "you can still win and not be above water" in approval ratings, Yost says.

Two things are boosting Democrats, analysts say: abortion politics and Trump himself, who is not only turning off some independent voters but causing schisms in his own party.

Intraparty fights in battleground states (literally, in Michigan, where physical confrontations have occurred between pro-Trump and Trump-skeptical Republican officials) are dividing the party. In Arizona, the internal battle could weaken the GOP nominee next year for a critical Senate seat.

In Georgia, the GOP has two wings: the one dominated by the likes of firebrand Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene and the one led by politicians like Gov. Brian Kemp, who Thursday quashed the idea of holding a special session to oust Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis to stop her prosecution of Trump.

If Trump is indeed the GOP nominee in 2024, "a lot of people will stay home," says University of Georgia political science professor Scott Ainsworth, giving Biden a chance to win a red state where he prevailed by a very narrow margin in 2020.

Meanwhile, Trump has been motivating not just his devoted base but Democratic voters who might not be crazy about their own likely nominee and don't want another Trump term, Ainsworth says.

"We maybe have entered an era where people don't feel excited about particular presidential nominees. Sometimes, it's the other person's negatives. Biden doesn't always inspire some voters, but by the same token, he doesn't have the heavy baggage that Trump has," Ainsworth says.

Biden is outperforming himself in a number of battleground states – doing better in hypothetical head-to-head matchups against Trump than he is in his own approval ratings.

In Pennsylvania, a Franklin & Marshall poll found, just 3 in 10 voters think Biden is doing an "excellent" or "good" job. But the president would defeat his predecessor Trump 41% to 40%, the survey found.

In Arizona, a plurality of 49% of voters disapprove of Biden, compared to 40% who approve of him, according to an Emerson College poll. But Biden trails Trump by just 1-3 percentage points, depending on whether third-party candidates are included, the poll found.

In Michigan, half of voters disapprove of Biden's job performance, with 43% approving of it, Emerson College found. But in a head-to-head matchup, Biden and Trump are tied, with 44% support each.

In Georgia, a Public Opinion Strategies poll found, 54% of Peach Staters disapprove of Biden and 43% approve of the president. But Biden would beat Trump, 44% to 43%, the survey found. The same polling firm got similar results in Nevada, where 52% of voters disapprove of Biden and 40% approve of him – but prefer Biden as the next president, with 46% supporting the incumbent president for reelection and 43% wanting Trump back, the poll found.

In Wisconsin, the disconnect between approval and support for reelection is especially stark. A Marquette University poll found that while 53% of voters disapprove of Biden's job performance (45% approve of it), they still favor Biden (52%) over Trump (43%) for president in the 2024 election.

A big part of Trump's problem in Wisconsin is Republicans, says Charles Franklin, director of the Marquette poll, noting that Biden has more support in his own party than Trump does among GOPers.

"We think of Trump as having an iron grip on the GOP, but actually he faces a minority of around 30% of Republicans that don't care for him, compared to some 14% of Dems who don't like Biden," Franklin says.

That is playing out in other critical states, Yost says.

"Ultimately, when it comes down to voting for someone, it's not just the person, but the acceptability of his or her opponent," Yost says.

For Democrats, Trump may be their best asset.

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B | 在包装盒内，还有一个 USB-C 转 3.5mm 适配器，因此您可以继续使用您喜爱的有线耳机。你会得到一个带有可调节支架的特殊皮套！正面被6.56英寸AMOLED屏幕占据，边框均匀。该面板具有 21:9 的纵横比，并提供扩展的 1080p 分辨率。折叠后的 Mix Fold 2 的背面也被玻璃覆盖，这次是磨砂的。

C | 这种哑光饰面是防指纹的，但它比光面面板更滑。顶部装有一个扬声器、SIM 托盘、IR 发射器和一个麦克风。Mix Fold 2 的底部有另一个扬声器、USB-C 端口和主麦克风。左侧有铰链盖，非常薄，由金属制成。它没有标记。Mix Fold 2 的右侧是您可以看到音量和电源/锁定键的地方。

D | 锁定钥匙的表面还兼作指纹扫描仪 - 它始终开启且速度惊人。Mix Fold 2 有两个 OLED 显示屏——一个 6.56 英寸的覆盖屏和一个 8.02 英寸的大型可折叠主显示屏。两款面板均支持 120Hz 刷新率、HDR10+ 和杜比视界，峰值亮度高达 1,300 尼特。

E | 封面屏幕现在具有更传统的 21:9 纵横比和扩展的 1080p 分辨率 - 2,520 x 1,080 像素。

F | 屏幕上有一个用于自拍相机的小孔，上面覆盖着 Gorilla Glass Victus 板。小米 Mix Fold 2 由 4,500mAh 电池供电。Mix Fold 2 的主要（可折叠）显示屏的耐久等级为 82 小时，其覆盖屏幕的耐久等级为 108 小时。封面屏幕上的屏幕时间相当可观，15小时的网页浏览和18小时的循环视频播放。Mix Fold 2 支持小米的 67W 快速有线充电，并且该充电器与手机捆绑在一起。制造商宣传在 40 分钟内充满电。使用 67W 充电器时，Mix Fold 2 电池在 30 分钟内从 0% 变为 77%。小米 Mix Fold 2 配备标准 Android 12 和 MIUI Fold 13 UI。拥有如此大而令人惊叹的两个屏幕为您提供了一个选择——在智能手机或平板显示器上工作。事实上，Mix Fold 2 更像是一款可折叠的平板电脑，其跨大屏幕的 UI 让人联想到平板电脑。在这些之间切换总是轻而易举的事。小米 Mix Fold 2 有四个摄像头——三个在背面，一个在封面屏幕上。

G | 后置三摄像头设置包含一个 50MP 广角主摄像头、一个 13MP 超广角摄像头和一个 8MP 2 倍变焦摄像头。自拍使用的是 20MP 传感器。

H | 主摄像头依赖于带有 Quad-Bayer 滤镜的 50MP 1/1.56" Sony IMX766 传感器。

I | 该传感器具有 1.0µm 像素，经过 4 合 1 合并后，您将获得 2.0µm 的 12.5MP 照片同等性能。该传感器位于稳定的 23mm f/1.8 镜头后面；它支持 PDAF；高分辨率 50MP 模式、专业模式以及（自动）夜间模式可用于该相机。超广角相机使用 13MP Omnivision OV13B10 1/3.06" 传感器，像素为 1.12µm。它有一个 15mm f/2.4 镜头，可以使用自动对焦，并且（自动）夜间模式也可以工作。变焦相机包含一个 8MP 传感器和一个稳定的 45mm f/2.6 镜头，它提供比主相机 2 倍的光学放大倍率。根据硬件扫描应用程序，传感器是 Sony IMX 663，它是一个 12MP 的传感器——要么是读取错误，要么是小米从该传感器裁剪 8MP。这里也支持自动夜间模式和 PDAF。前置（自拍）摄像头采用 Quad Bayer 设计的 20MP Sony IMX596 1/2.8" 传感器，搭配 23mm f/2.4 镜头，对焦固定。小米 MIX Fold 2 将于今日 10 点再次开售12+256GB 8999 元12+512GB 9999 元12GB+1TB 11999 元。12GB+1TB（礼盒版） 13999 元返回搜狐，查看更多责任编辑：

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